rawsmack: Sp cq police community members

1. How concerned is the police department about street prostitution?

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2. How concerned is the community?

3. What groups are particularly concerned and why? What specific concerns are expressed?

4. How organized and active are community members who oppose street prostitution?

5. What level of street prostitution are they willing to tolerate?

rawsmack: Sp cq police community members

1. How concerned is the police department about street prostitution?

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2. How concerned is the community?

3. What groups are particularly concerned and why? What specific concerns are expressed?

4. How organized and active are community members who oppose street prostitution?

5. What level of street prostitution are they willing to tolerate?

addisenc: Sp cq environment

1. Does street prostitution take place in more than one area?

Street prostitution is rarely confined to a single location; rather, it typically exists in multiple "hubs" or "strolls" throughout a city, each defined by specific environmental characteristics. The model categorizes these areas based on their attractiveness to both sex workers and clients, often finding that different areas serve different segments of the market. For instance, one area might be a high-traffic "cruising" zone where solicitation occurs primarily from vehicles, while another might be centered around a cluster of budget motels or transportation hubs, such as truck stops or bus stations, where transactions are negotiated on foot. The existence of multiple areas is often a result of displacement, a key concept in the POP model. When police focus enforcement or environmental changes on one specific neighborhood, the activity often migrates to nearby areas that offer similar advantages—such as poor lighting, low police presence, or easy highway access. This creates a "network" of locations across a city. While some areas are long-standing "red-light districts" with a historical reputation that draws clients from outside the immediate community, others may be newer, emerging spots triggered by changes in local business patterns or urban decay. The model suggests that these different areas may not be identical in their social makeup. One stroll might be heavily influenced by local gangs or pimps, while another might be populated primarily by independent workers struggling with homelessness. Because the characteristics of these locations can vary so widely, the model argues that a "one-size-fits-all" citywide policy is usually ineffective. Instead, police are encouraged to analyze each specific area as a unique micro-environment, as the strategy needed to disrupt a vehicle-based market on a major thoroughfare is vastly different from the strategy required to address solicitation in a secluded residential park or an alleyway.

2. What conditions make the area(s) attractive for street prostitution?

An area becomes attractive for street prostitution when it meets specific environmental and logistical criteria that facilitate a quick, discreet, and relatively safe transaction for both the sex worker and the client. The most critical condition is anonymity and accessibility. Areas with high volumes of through-traffic, such as major arterial roads or streets near highway on-ramps, are highly desirable because they allow clients to "cruise" without appearing out of place. These locations provide a steady stream of potential customers who can enter and exit the neighborhood rapidly, reducing the risk of being recognized by neighbors or tracked by law enforcement. The physical layout of the neighborhood, often analyzed through Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED), also plays a decisive role. Locations with poor street lighting, numerous "blind spots" like alleys or vacant lots, and thick vegetation offer the privacy needed for sexual acts to occur outdoors. Conversely, the presence of "convenience infrastructure," such as 24-hour gas stations, liquor stores, and budget motels that allow cash payments without strict ID checks, provides the necessary staging grounds for solicitation. These businesses act as magnets, providing places for workers to congregate, use restrooms, or find temporary shelter between transactions. Finally, a lack of "capable guardianship" makes an area particularly vulnerable. This refers to neighborhoods where there is a low level of community cohesion, high rates of property abandonment, or a perceived lack of police presence. In these "socially disorganized" areas, residents may be less likely to report suspicious activity, or the sheer volume of other street-level crimes may overwhelm local law enforcement, making prostitution a low priority. When an area lacks active monitoring by either the police or an engaged "eyes on the street" community, it becomes a "path of least resistance" for the illicit market to take root.

3. If street prostitution occurs in several areas, how are they similar and different?

The similarities are primarily environmental. Most areas are chosen for their high permeability, offering easy access to highways or main roads so clients can enter and exit quickly. They also lack natural surveillance, featuring poor lighting, vacant lots, or "dead zones" where illegal acts can happen out of sight. Finally, they almost always have anchor businesses, like 20-minute motels or 24-hour convenience stores, that provide a home base for the market. The differences emerge in how the market actually functions. One area may be a vehicle-based market on a busy thoroughfare, while another is a pedestrian market centered near public transit. The population varies as well: some "strolls" are comprised of independent workers, while others are strictly controlled by third-party pimps or gangs. Lastly, the impact on the neighborhood differs; a commercial district may only face litter and trespassing issues, whereas a residential area faces the much higher social cost of residents being harassed or mistakenly solicited by "johns."

4. What area businesses are harmed by the presence of street prostitution?

Street prostitution harms a wide range of local businesses, such as retail shops, restaurants, and professional offices, by creating a "climate of disorder" that intimidates legitimate customers and reduces foot traffic. These establishments often face increased costs related to property damage, trespassing, and the removal of hazardous litter like drug paraphernalia, which ultimately lowers property values and may force businesses to relocate. In contrast, "prostitution-adjacent" businesses like budget motels or 24-hour convenience stores may actually facilitate the trade by providing the rooms or staging grounds necessary for transactions to occur. Residents in these areas experience an erosion of safety, frequently dealing with noise, traffic, and the harassment of female neighbors who are mistakenly solicited by "johns." To combat this, community groups like Neighborhood Watch organizations often lobby for "problem-oriented" changes, such as improved street lighting and nuisance abatement against motels, aiming to restore natural surveillance and reclaim public spaces from the illicit market.

5. What area businesses support and/or benefit from street prostitution?

Certain area businesses may indirectly support or benefit from street prostitution by creating environments where it can continue with minimal disruption. These often include low-cost motels and short-stay hotels that provide anonymity and quick access to rooms, late-night convenience stores and liquor shops that attract foot traffic at all hours, and poorly monitored parking lots or abandoned commercial spaces that serve as informal meeting points. Some bars or clubs may also benefit from increased nighttime activity without explicitly endorsing the behavior. From a POP perspective, these businesses are not necessarily causing prostitution, but their location, operating hours, lack of surveillance, or tolerance of loitering can unintentionally sustain the problem by making the area more attractive for street-based sex work and related activity.

6. Is the street prostitution market in each area old or new? Has it changed in size recently? If so, why?

In most cities, street prostitution markets are not new but long-standing, often tied to historically marginalized or economically distressed areas. However, their size and visibility have changed in recent years. Many traditional street-based markets have shrunk as sex work has moved online to reduce risk and increase client screening, while others have shifted locations due to gentrification, redevelopment, or increased police presence. At the same time, some areas have seen growth linked to rising homelessness, addiction crises, and economic instability, which push more vulnerable individuals into street-based survival strategies. From a POP perspective, these changes reflect how environmental conditions—such as housing shortages, social services availability, and enforcement patterns—reshape where and how the market operates rather than eliminating it entirely.

7. Do street prostitution areas have a reputation as being dangerous or safe for clients?

Street prostitution areas generally have a reputation for being dangerous rather than safe for clients, especially compared to indoor or online-based markets. These areas are often associated with higher levels of violent crime, drug activity, theft, and police surveillance, which increase the risks of robbery, assault, or arrest. Poor lighting, limited security, and the presence of territorial disputes can further contribute to a sense of unpredictability. From a POP perspective, this reputation develops because the surrounding environmental conditions—such as abandoned buildings, low guardianship, and concentrated social disorder—create opportunities for crime and reduce informal social control, making both clients and sex workers more vulnerable.

8. Are street prostitution areas isolated, or busy with other activities?

Street prostitution areas are rarely completely isolated; instead, they tend to be busy with other late-night or marginal activities. These locations often overlap with areas that have convenience stores, bars, bus stops, cheap motels, or 24-hour businesses that generate steady foot and vehicle traffic. This activity provides anonymity for clients and workers while blending into the surrounding environment. From a POP perspective, this mix of legitimate and illegitimate activity helps sustain the market because the constant movement of people reduces informal monitoring and makes it harder to distinguish between normal behavior and illicit transactions.

9. What other types of crime occur in the area? How much is related to street prostitution?

Areas with street prostitution often experience a cluster of related crimes, including drug dealing and possession, human trafficking, assault, robbery, vandalism, and weapons offenses. Property crimes like car break-ins and shoplifting are also common, especially in nearby businesses. A significant portion of this crime is indirectly related to street prostitution rather than caused by it—for example, disputes over territory, exploitation by pimps or traffickers, and violence against sex workers or clients. From a POP perspective, prostitution itself is usually part of a broader pattern of social disorder, where overlapping issues such as addiction, homelessness, and lack of guardianship create conditions that allow multiple forms of crime to concentrate in the same area.

10. If street prostitution were forced out of a target area, where would you predict it might reappear?

If street prostitution were forced out of a target area, it would most likely reappear in nearby locations with similar environmental conditions, such as poorly lit streets, areas with low police presence, clusters of cheap motels, or zones with heavy late-night foot traffic. It may also shift toward transportation hubs, industrial zones, or neighborhoods with high vacancy rates where informal social control is weak. From a POP perspective, displacement occurs because enforcement alone does not remove the underlying causes—such as poverty, homelessness, addiction, and demand—but simply pushes the activity to places that offer the same opportunities for anonymity, access to clients, and limited guardianship.

addisenc: Sp cq current response

1. What is the police department's current policy in dealing with street prostitution?

These current policies often result in a “revolving door” effect. Because the underlying drivers - such as substance abuse, lack of housing, or economic necessity - are not addressed, those arrested frequently return to the same streets shortly after their realease. A strictly enforcement-heavy policy often lacks coordination with outside agencies, meaning the police bear the entire burden of a complex social issue that might be better managed through environmental changes, civil remedies, or social service diversions.

2. What is the prosecutor's current policy regarding prostitution-related offenses?

The prosecutor’s current policy regarding street prostitution is generally characxterized by a traditional focus on case processing and standard criminal sanctions. Under this typical policy, the prosecutor’s office functions as a secondary step in the enforcement cycle, primarily focused on securing convictions for misdemeanor offenses such as solicitation, loitering for the purpose of prostitution, or public indecency. The standard approach relies on fines and short-term incarceration, which the model identifies as largely ineffective. These sanctions often create financial burden that ironically compels the individual to return to the street to pay off legal debts, thereby reinforcing the cycle of recidivism. A traditional prosecutorial policy often treats prostitutions cases in isolation, failing to distinguish between the diverse motivations of those involved. By applying a “one-size-fits-all” litigation strategy, the prosecutor’s office lacks the flexibility yo address the root causes - such as drug addiction or human trafficking - that drive the local market. This current policy is frequently criticized within the POP model for its “downstream” orientation, where success is measured by the number of guilty pleas obtained rather than the actual reduction of street-level activity or the improvement of neighboorhood safety.

3. What are the typical sentences handed out to those who are convicted?

The sentencing for street prostitution is typically characterized by a pattern of escalating misdemeanor sanctions that often fail to act as a long-term deterrent. For most first-time offenders, whether they are sex workers or clients, the typical sentence involves a combination of modest fines, ranging from a few hundred to a thousand dollars, and a short term of incarceration that rarely exceeds sixty days. In many jurisdictions, these initial convictions are treated as low-level misdemeanors meant to address the immediate public nuisance rather than the underlying social or economic drivers of the behavior. As an individual moves through the justice system multiple times, the severity of the sentence increases significantly. A second or third conviction often triggers mandatory minimum jail sentences, such as fifteen to ninety days, which judges are frequently prohibited from suspending. In some regions, a third or subsequent offense can be elevated to a low-level felony, carrying the potential for a year or more in state prison. Additionally, judges often impose supplemental conditions such as mandatory testing for sexually transmitted infections, "stay-away" orders from specific high-activity neighborhoods, and community service.However, the model highlights a critical disparity in how these sentences are experienced: for clients, the primary "sentence" is often the social stigma and the threat to their reputation or employment, whereas for sex workers, the fines and jail time often create a destabilizing cycle. The financial burden of a fine frequently forces the sex worker back onto the street to pay the court, while a short jail stay can lead to the loss of housing or custody of children, effectively entrenching the individual deeper into the street economy rather than facilitating an exit.

4. Do the prostitutes and clients complete those sentences?

The “completion” of a traditional sentence - such as a 15-day jail stay - is actually a failure of the system. From a problem orientated perspective, if a prostitute “completes” her sentence but returns to the same street corner the following night, the policy has failed to solve the underlying community problem. This is why the model advocated for moving away from simple “sentence completion” toward “long-term outcomes,” such as successful graduation from drug treatment programs or permanent exit from the sex trade, which are much harder to achieve but more beneficial for the community.

5. What effect, if any, does the imposition of a sentence have on subsequent involvement in prostitution?

The imposition of a traditional sentence has vastly different—and often counter-intuitive—effects on sex workers compared to their clients. For the prostitute, the model suggests that standard criminal sanctions, such as fines and short-term jail stays, frequently act as an "entrenching mechanism" rather than a deterrent. Because many street-level workers engage in prostitution to meet immediate survival needs or to fund a substance addiction, a fine creates a new financial crisis. To pay the court, the individual often returns to the street immediately, sometimes working longer hours or in more dangerous, secluded locations to avoid re-detection, thereby increasing their involvement in the trade to satisfy the sentence itself. For the client the effect of a sentence is more likely to be a specific deterrent, though the ASU model argues this is often due to the "stigma" of the arrest rather than the severity of the sentence. Since most clients have a reputation, family, or employment to protect, the embarrassment of being processed through the court system is often enough to stop their subsequent involvement. However, traditional sentencing alone rarely addresses the broader "market" for prostitution; if one client is deterred but the underlying demand remains high, new clients simply take their place, meaning the sentence has little impact on the overall problem in the neighborhood. Ultimately, the model posits that traditional sentencing creates a "displacement effect" or a temporary pause rather than a permanent exit. For the sex worker, a criminal record becomes a significant barrier to legal employment, effectively "locking" them into the street economy. Because the sentence fails to address root causes like trauma, homelessness, or drug dependency, subsequent involvement remains high, leading to the "revolving door" of the justice system that the Problem-Oriented Policing approach specifically seeks to dismantle.

6. What responses do police officers use, other than arrest and prosecution?

Beyond the traditional cycle of arrest and prosecution, the model emphasizes a range of proactive, non-criminal justice responses designed to disrupt the "prostitution market" by altering the environment and enlisting community support. One of the most common strategies involves environmental design and traffic management. Since street prostitution relies heavily on "cruising" by clients, police often work with city engineers to implement road closures, create one-way street patterns, or install "no-entry" signs during peak hours. These changes make it physically difficult for clients to circle blocks or stop their vehicles, thereby reducing the convenience of the location without requiring a single arrest. Police also utilize civil remedies and regulatory enforcement to target the infrastructure that supports the trade. Instead of arresting individuals, officers may work with local government to enforce zoning laws or nuisance abatement ordinances against "by-the-hour" motels and businesses that facilitate sexual transactions. By threatening property owners with heavy fines, the loss of business licenses, or even the seizure of the property, police can compel landlords to increase security, improve lighting, or implement stricter guest registration policies. This effectively "squeezes" the activity out of the area by removing the safe havens where the illegal acts take place. Another significant non-arrest response involves informal social control and public awareness. Police may engage in "cautioning" schemes, where individuals are officially warned and their details recorded in a database without a formal charge; if they are seen in the area again, they face escalating consequences. In some jurisdictions, police use "john-shaming" techniques, such as mailing advisory letters to the registered owners of vehicles seen loitering in red-light districts or publicizing the names of those contacted in such areas. These tactics leverage the fear of social stigma—particularly effective for clients—to deter participation in the market. Officers increasingly act as conduits to social services through "street outreach" or "diversion" models. In these scenarios, police partner with health and social workers to conduct joint patrols where the primary goal is not to handcuff individuals, but to offer immediate access to drug treatment, housing, or crisis counseling. By shifting their role from purely "enforcers" to "problem-solvers," police can address the underlying vulnerabilities of sex workers, aiming to reduce the street population through successful exits rather than temporary incarceration.

7. Are any of these responses especially effective?

The effectiveness of a response is not measured by the number of arrests made, but by the sustained reduction of the problem in the community. Research within this model indicates that while traditional enforcement (arrests) is rarely effective on its own, several alternative strategies have shown significant success when implemented correctly. Environmental changes are often cited as the most effective long-term solutions because they remove the "opportunity" for the crime to occur. For example, traffic management schemes, such as closing certain streets or changing two-way roads into one-way loops, have been highly successful in reducing "curb-crawling." In famous case studies referenced by the ASU model, like those in London or various U.S. cities, these physical changes led to immediate and permanent drops in prostitution activity without simply displacing the problem to the next block. Similarly, improved street lighting and the removal of "pay-by-the-hour" motels through nuisance abatement laws have proven effective because they eliminate the dark, private spaces necessary for the market to function. Strategies targeting the "demand side" (the clients) show mixed effectiveness. "John Schools" and diversion programs have been praised for reducing recidivism among first-time offenders who have much to lose socially and professionally. However, critics and some studies within the POP literature suggest that the drop in re-arrest rates might be due to clients becoming more "careful" rather than actually stopping the behavior. Conversely, public shaming or letter-writing campaigns (mailing notices to the owners of cars seen in red-light districts) are often highly effective as a deterrent for local residents, as the risk to their personal reputation outweighs the benefit of solicitation. For sex workers, the effectiveness of responses like diversion and outreach depends entirely on the "barrier to entry." Standard programs that require immediate sobriety or stable housing often fail because the requirements are too high for someone in active crisis. However, the model finds that "low-threshold" services—those that offer immediate, no-strings-attached help for drug addiction or emergency housing—are significantly more effective at helping individuals permanently exit the street economy. The framework concludes that no single response is a "silver bullet"; instead, the most effective approach is a multi-agency strategy that combines environmental pressure on clients with supportive "exit ramps" for the prostitutes.

8. What social, health and substance abuse treatment services are available to assist prostitutes?

The services available to assist prostitutes are designed as a multi-layered support system intended to provide a viable "exit strategy" from the street economy. At the foundation are health and substance abuse services, which address the most immediate physical crises. These include mobile health clinics that provide confidential testing for sexually transmitted infections, wound care, and general medical screenings. Because a high percentage of street-level sex workers struggle with addiction, these services are often paired with "low-threshold" drug treatment, which offers rapid access to detoxification and long-term rehabilitation without the bureaucratic delays that often discourage those in crisis. Furthermore, trauma-informed mental health counseling is a critical component, specifically designed to help individuals process the cycles of violence and abuse that frequently underpin their involvement in the trade. Beyond physical health, the model emphasizes social and stability-based services that target the environmental factors preventing a person from leaving the streets. Chief among these is emergency and transitional housing; without a safe place to sleep, individuals are often forced back into the sex trade simply to pay for a motel room. These programs are frequently supplemented by legal advocacy to help resolve outstanding misdemeanor warrants and "wraparound" family services, such as childcare and parenting support. By addressing these practical hurdles, the system aims to stabilize the individual's life so they can focus on long-term recovery rather than day-to-day survival. The model identifies vocational and peer-based services as the bridge to a permanent exit. This includes life-skills training, such as financial budgeting and resume building, alongside job placement programs that help individuals with criminal records find legitimate employment. A unique and often successful element of this support network is the use of peer mentors—survivors of the sex trade who provide credible emotional support and guidance. These comprehensive services shift the focus from punishment to restoration, acknowledging that street prostitution is a complex social problem that cannot be solved through the criminal justice system alone.

9. Are prostitutes using available services?

The utilization of social services by street prostitutes is described as a major challenge, characterized by a significant gap between the availability of services and their actual accessibility. While many jurisdictions offer drug treatment, housing, and health clinics, street-level sex workers often underutilize these resources due to a combination of structural barriers and the "chaotic lifestyle" associated with the street economy. Because street prostitution is frequently linked to immediate survival needs and active substance addiction, the rigid requirements of traditional service providers—such as fixed appointment times, the need for a permanent address, or strict "no-drug" policies in shelters—effectively bar the most vulnerable individuals from receiving help.The model notes that fear and mistrust also play a central role in preventing service use. Many prostitutes avoid mainstream government or charitable organizations out of fear that disclosure of their work will lead to arrest, social stigma, or, most critically, the loss of custody of their children. This creates a paradox where those with the highest level of need are the least likely to seek out help until they reach a point of absolute crisis. Furthermore, the "current policy" of reactive enforcement often poisons the relationship between sex workers and authority figures; if the police are seen purely as a source of arrest and punishment, prostitutes are unlikely to trust the outreach programs that are affiliated with or referred by the criminal justice system. To address this, the Problem-Oriented Policing model suggests that for services to be used effectively, they must be prostitution-specific, low-threshold, and outreach-based. This includes "fast-tracking" individuals into treatment the moment they express a readiness to change and providing peer-led support systems that reduce the fear of judgment. The model emphasizes that when services are integrated into a diversion program—where the "sentence" is the treatment itself—participation rates increase, but only if the services are accessible enough to fit into the difficult and unpredictable reality of life on the street.

addisenc: Sp cq street prostitutes

1. Does street prostitution take only one form (e.g., female prostitutes and male clients), or are there several different forms (e.g., homosexual or transvestite prostitution)?

I’m certain there are other types of prostitution in the real world, but solely based off the information I’ve selected carefully, only one type of prostitution is considered in this case. All prostitutes that were interviewed are all female and all clients that were interviewed were all male.

2. What is known about the prostitutes (e.g., age, gender, race, criminal history, social service history, substance abuse history, residence)?

The age of all the prostitutes interviewed is unknown. All the prostitutes interviewed are female. The race of each prostitute is unknown. 4/12 of the prostitutes interviewed are convicted. The rest of the information is unknown

3. Do street prostitutes commit crimes against clients (e.g., robbery or theft)?

Some street prostitutes may be more inclined than others to steal from one of their clients for personal gain. They can steal money, drugs, personal belongings, jewelry, clothes, personal identification, documents, and other people that could be with them. It can also be switched. Clients could take advantage of the prostitutes and steal from them as well. It’s also a possibility that prostitutes steal from each other or even get in physical fights.

4. Are street prostitutes the victims of crime?

They can be

5. How committed are prostitutes to prostitution?

Some prostitutes believe it’s the only way to make money and at least profit from what they do. However, 2 out of the 12 prostitutes that were interviewed either got help and went to rehab or moved on to something else.

6. How committed are they to a particular location?

Prostitutes usually hang around one area, unless something disrupts their business flow. There can be many reasons why prostitutes are anchored to a specific location. Prostitutes tend to select busier areas to become visible to possible clients. Oftentimes, they play it safe by sticking around bars and abandoned buildings so their activity can be disputed by the places they are nearby to. However, they are likely to move once an area is busted by police or they aren’t getting as many clients as they hope to.

addisenc: Sp cq sexual transactions

1. How, specifically, do street prostitutes and clients negotiate and complete sexual transactions?

Most business between the client and the prostitute happen

2. Do clients solicit prostitutes on foot or from a vehicle?

It is a mix. Some clients pursue prostitutes on foot, and others in their vehicle. Based off the interviews I’ve read from the clients, they mostly pursue prostitutes from inside their vehicles. They do this because they want to interact with the prostitute in the least shady way possible. They want to make it look like an ordinary interaction that doesn’t look suspicious. They also do this to cover for themselves. They dont want to be caught by police or other workforces while conversing with the prostitute. They also do their best to hide themselves from being caught by anybody they know, like family, friends, spouse, coworkers, or their boss. Conducting business from a vehicle gives the client and the prostitute flexibility, considering they have the ability to go wherever they want, in any area that they wont be caught in.

3. Where do the sexual transactions take place?

Sexual transactions can happen anywhere, but the locations with the most activity of prostitution include, bars, hotels, malls, shopping outlets, businesses, schools, abandoned buildings, alleys, downtown area, neighboorhoods etc..

4. Do prostitutes and clients take precautions to prevent sexually-transmitted disease?

This is about 50/50. Based on the public health article extracted from local newspaper interviews public health official, Dr. Jeffery Low (Director of the City Health Department) reports that people have been finding used condoms, syringes and other paraphernalia discarded in the streets near areas where prostitutes work. Rodney Conners, a booking officer at the city jail finds that during the process of booking a prostitute, they have a supply of condoms on their person. Kathy Wilkes, an outreach worker at the Department of Health has the most compelling point in her interview. She said, “Most prostitutes insist on the use of condoms. However, the more dependent the prostitute is on drugs, the less likely she is to practice safe sex.” The collection of the instances of the individuals do show that prostitutes often practice safety by using conforms, although, in not the most effective way since they’re not being disposed of properly and prostitutes are still coming in to clinic and hospitals with sexually transmitted diseases.

addisenc: Sp cq police community members

1. How concerned is the police department about street prostitution?

Obviously the police department is concerned with the rising rates of crime surrounding prostitution and soliciting. However, all the interviews by the police officers didn’t directly express their concern about street prostitution, rather they were reporting on instances they had with street prostitutes. Only one officer expressed their level of concern, which was Brian Rule, Commander Scott Ave. District Police. He discussed that the police department and government operations dont have the necessary funds to support the rise of crime related to prostitution. He also explains that they are understaffed and don’t have the ‘manpower’ to support the number of sightings and complaints made by residents to curb prostitution soliciting.

2. How concerned is the community?

The community is concerned, but to an extent. As Brian Rule said in his interview, “The community as a whole knows very little about the prostitution problem in the city. It's only when they see the familiar signs that they become alarmed. Our best efforts are to keep those signs to a minimum." So, the community is aware of this issue but they aren’t fully informed or educated about the severity of it when it comes to the legal aspect of it.

3. What groups are particularly concerned and why? What specific concerns are expressed?

The groups that are concerned about this issue include residents, business owners, and employees. Residents are worried about the safety and health of the children who are strolling the city. Some may encounter syringes or dirty condoms that are left on the streets or sidewalks. They may also be ‘lured’ into sexual activity by being bribed. Business owners are losing revenue because street prostitutes are scaring off paying customers, ultimately giving their business a “bad mojo”

4. How organized and active are community members who oppose street prostitution?

Community members who are against street prostitution dont really congregate to discuss the issue at hand, but they do still

5. What level of street prostitution are they willing to tolerate?

The community can only take so much crime, especially one this dire. Residents have expressed their concern and worry for the rising crime in their area or neighboorhood. Resident Chris Glatz (resident of 600 block of Scott Avenue) said that if he could afford to do so, he would move to get away from the unpleasant things he says on a daily basis. Wanda Fops, another resident says she now only shops during morning hours and only when necessary. These adjustments were made because of the prostitutes stationed at local businesses, shops, bars, malls etc…

addisenc: Sp cq drugs

1. To what extent are street prostitutes, clients and pimps engaged in the sale or use of drugs?

Most all prostitutes are somewhat involved in the drug business/trade to some extent because they can get more clients and connections through this drug. "I have noticed that during booking procedures, many of the prostitutes have prescription antibiotics on their person. Most have a supply of condoms and almost all have ID cards for some sort of assisted or subsidized government aid program. The girls arrested for prostitution never post bond. They know that after the paperwork is completed, they'll sign a summons promising to appear in court and will then be released." - Rodney Connors

2. Are street prostitution and street drug markets near each other?

Additionally, to Detective Wright’s interview, he stated that if you spot a prostitute riding in the passenger seat in a nearby drug area, it’s easy to make an arrest. The correlation of street prostitutes and the specific inclusion of “nearby drug area” connects that prostitutes are most likely stationed nearby these areas where drug activity is common.

3. Do street prostitutes exchange sex directly for drugs?

Yes, it’s often that street prostitutes will accept drugs as a form of payment from male clients in return of a sexual service. Other times, if cash is used as payment, the prostitutes will use this cash to buy drugs or alcohol. Detective Wright, an 8-year veteran currently in the narcotics division said in his interview, most of the arrests he’s made are of street-level dealers through sting operations.

addisenc: Sp cq pimps

1. Do the prostitutes work for pimps or others who profit from their income?

Based off of Violet’s interview (convicted street prostitute) most of the girls who work the area don’t have a pimp. Although, most of them do owe money to big time drug dealers for conducting business within the drug trade. Princess, as a ‘retired’ prostitute who now works in the escort business says that working the street is connected to the drug trade, going hand-in-hand with the fact that most prostitutes are on drugs or addicted to them. Some prostitutes accept drugs as a payment method, and often direct their clients or ‘john’ to where they can buy the drugs, connecting them within the drug world and the people in it. As quoted from Violet’s interview, “A few may owe money to drug dealers who just want it back. One or two of the girls hang out on the drug set, turning tricks for dope. These girls work for the dope man. Some of the local bars expect some cash for letting you hang out there. They might even let you use the private area of their bar to take care of their customers." Sometimes prostitutes work with businesses and establishments under the radar for mutual profit, instead of working for one ‘pimp’.

addisenc: Sp cq clients johns

1. What is known about the clients (e.g., age, race, occupation, socio-economic status, marital status, criminal history, residence)?

All clients are males and/or patronizing prostitution. The clients have either had a previous criminal record before, or are currently in prison serving a sentence. The definite age of each client is unknown, although 2/4 of the clients seem to be a little older, possibly in their 40s-50s. The other two look younger, possibly in their 20s or 30s. The rest of the information about the clients is unknown. 2 clients that weren’t arrested for soliciting with prostitutes are both college students at Central University. The diversity of age of these clients illustrates how wide the prostituing world can reach. Based on the interviews by one of the officers, some of the people he stopped from ranged from public officials, high profile business people, and, on one occasion, another officer from a nearby jurisdiction.

2. How committed are clients to prostitution?

Some clients are fully involved with prostitution, while others fall under other levels. For example, Jim Paxton only strolls through prostitution areas to find drugs. He uses the prostitutes as a resource to guide him to what he wants instead of using the prostitutes for a service. Rick Sampier seems to be looking for a relationship with a prostitute, considering he strolls the main thoroughfare looking for a “date”. He’s on the cautious side because he only stops at the areas he deems safe, so he doesn’t subject himself to suspicion. He stated in his interview that if he can’t find any he likes, he’ll come back another night. He seems to have an interest for prostitutes but isn’t totally obsessed. Stanley Wiltern is playing it on the safe side as well, I believe only to hide that he is involved in soliciting with prostitutes. He strolls the streets looking for safe areas, but that are relatively discreet and hidden, since he expresses that he doesn’t want his family, friends, or employer to find out what he’s been doing. Some clients, specifically the college students will pay $50-$100 for services from a prostitute. David Mallard is only lookin for oral sex instead of intercourse. He wants this to be a speedy process because he never gets out of the vehicle and only looks for girls he thinks are physically attractive and ones who might be willing to perform oral sex on him.

3. What groups are particularly concerned and why? What specific concerns are expressed?

The main group of concern of crime in the area of residents of the city. They want their streets to be crime-free and rid of suspicious activity and they want to be able to commute to work or shop in the city without worrying about their safety or health.

4. How committed are they to soliciting prostitutes on the street or in a particular area?

Most of the clients that have been interviewed only look for safe areas instead of dimly lit dark alleys or abandoned buildings. They look for these safe areas so they can be safe from exploitation or disease if ever receiving/giving services to prostitutes. The areas most prostitutes choose to work always have an easy escape route from the police or belligerent johns. There are nearby locations for the sex acts to take place. Completing the sex act in the car is the most common arrangement, but cheap hotels, seedy bars and even vacant buildings are places used to complete the deal.

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